Mexico’s telecom regulator is weighing a proposal that would keep the newly drafted “guidelines for audience defense” while replacing the current decision‑making body with an autonomous arbitration panel.
Government’s stance on the guidelines
The administration presents the guidelines as a solution that will finally give citizens control over radio and television outlets it describes as “voracious, proud, classist, pro‑capital, anti‑vulnerable groups and, of course, anti‑Morena.” The document calls for each broadcaster to adopt a code of ethics, appoint a defender of audiences, and set up a process for handling viewer complaints.
According to the filing, the defender of the audience will be responsible for processing complaints and, when a dispute arises, referring the case to an authority that will render a final decision. The key question, however, is which authority will hold that power.
Critics demand an independent arbiter
Opponents argue that the current structure, which would place the dispute‑resolution function within the Comisión Reguladora de las Telecomunicaciones (CRT), risks enabling censorship. They point out that the four commissioners and the sole CRT commissioner lack both autonomy and relevant experience, factors that could undermine confidence in the process.
Legal scholar Irene Levy has highlighted inconsistencies between the law that underpins the guidelines and the powers that would be granted to the CRT, suggesting that the framework may be legally fragile.
Critics propose a middle‑ground solution: retain the guidelines but appoint a neutral, non‑governmental panel to adjudicate disputes. Such a body, they argue, could restore trust among broadcasters and audience advocates who are currently at odds over the rules.
Mexico has a history of audience defense mechanisms, with former defenders and scholars capable of selecting or even serving as arbitrators. A well‑structured panel could address shortcomings in the guidelines and prevent the kind of partisan complaints that have historically plagued the media.
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In practice, an autonomous panel would likely reduce the risk of coordinated complaints—whether from supporters of the ruling party or its opponents—targeting particular stations or journalists. It could also ensure that grievances against public broadcasters receive impartial evaluation.
The proposal appears regressive, as it entrusts dispute resolution to a government‑run office staffed largely by officials without specialized expertise, except for one member who already faces accusations of censorship.
Morena’s parliamentary majority could, in theory, amend the law in three steps to create a collegial body tasked with reviewing controversies. Such a move would align with past efforts to curb partisan abuse of media complaints.
Nevertheless, the proposal’s fate hinges on political will. If the government truly wishes to “listen” to alternative proposals, it may need to negotiate with figures like Pepe Merino and Luisa María Alcalde, who have expressed willingness to discuss the guidelines while insisting on an independent arbitrator.
The discussion also recalls historic accusations that major broadcasters, such as Televisa, acted as “soldiers of the PRI,” prompting opposition parties to protest perceived bias.
Those concerns have resurfaced, with critics now warning that the new guidelines could enable a new wave of censorship if left unchecked.
Ultimately, the core issue is whether the guidelines can function effectively under an autonomous arbitration panel. If the proposal succeeds, it could provide a clearer path for audience complaints and reinforce the integrity of Mexico’s broadcast sector. If not, the risk of partisan manipulation remains, leaving the public’s trust in media institutions uncertain.
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